Living Theology in the Metropolitan Chicago Synod
Evangelical Lutheran
Church in America
Volume 4, Number 2
Pentecost 1999
Called To Common Mission
I am delighted to have been invited for a second time to join you at your annual Assembly. I do not know how this college acquired its name, but it seemed to me entirely appropriate that I open this presentation with words from St. Cyprian of Carthage, who was beheaded by the emperor Valerian in 258:
“The episcopate is a single whole, in which each
bishop’s share gives him a right to, and a responsibility for, the whole. So is the Church a single whole, though she
spreads far and wide into a multitude of Churches…”[1] “The Church is the people united…to its
shepherd. From this you should know
that the bishop is in the Church and the Church is in the bishop.”[2]
I have been asked to say a few words about the
Anglican commitment to the historic episcopate, with particular reference to
the English Reformation which produced the Church of England, and the American
Revolution which produced the Episcopal Church. So, first, the English Reformation.
English coins today bear the following
inscription: Elizabeth II Dei Gratia
Regina F. D. The “F. D.” stands for Fidei
Defensor, Defender of the Faith, a title conferred on Henry VIII (at his
own request!) in 1521 by Pope Leo X in recognition of Henry’s treatise
defending the seven sacraments against a certain German monk named Martin
Luther.
Perhaps the Anglican commitment to the
Sacrament of Holy Orders may be likened to Jacob’s commitment to Isaac’s
blessing after Esau’s birthright had been sold for a mess of pottage!
More seriously, “The Reformation in
England was…not doctrinal but constitutional.
The Church of England had reformed in one respect only. It had denied the supremacy of the Pope and
had broken relations with Rome. In
doctrine and liturgy and orders…it remained a Catholic Church.”[3] This meant among other things that the
Church of England would retain the historic episcopate. It is quite right that there was some debate
within the realm about the possibility of a different ordering of ordained
ministry. Yet even Richard Hooker, the
theologian whose great defense of the Elizabethan settlement[4]
showed an openness to other arrangements, observed that “for a thousand five
hundred years and upward…[the Church] continued under the sacred regiment of
bishops. Neither for so long hath
Christianity been ever planted in any kingdom but with this kind of government
alone.”[5]
More substantively, “The English
Reformers believed they saw clear Scriptural warrant for Episcopal ministry.”[6] During Henry VIII’s reign, Archbishop Thomas
Crammer expressed this conviction:
Scripture openly teaches that the order and ministry
of priests and bishops was not instituted by human authority, but
divinely. It teaches that Jesus Christ,
our Lord and Savior, instituted in the Church certain ministers of his word as
his legates and the dispensers of the mysteries of God (as Paul calls them),
who not only must feed the flock with the good doctrine of Christ, but
also…lead all to the perfect knowledge, love and fear of God as well as to
sincere love of neighbor, who must consecrate the body and blood of Christ in
the sacrament of the altar…and the power, function, and ministration of these
ministers is necessary to the Church as long as we fight on this earth against
the flesh, the world, and Satan, and on no occasion must it be abolished…[7]
This conviction is reflected in successive
Church of England Ordinals, from 1550 on:
It is evident unto all men, diligently reading Holy
Scripture and ancient Authors, that from the Apostles’ time there have been
these Orders of Ministers in Christ’s Church—Bishops, Priests, and
Deacons. Which Offices were evermore
had in such revered estimation, that no man might presume to execute any of
them, except he were first called, tried, examined, and known to have such
qualities as are requisite for the same; and also by public Prayer, with
Imposition of Hands, were approved and admitted thereunto by lawful Authority.”[8]
This statement from the Ordinal, with
its references to “ancient Authors”—such as Clement of Carthage!—and the
“Offices…evermore had in such revered estimation” adds the weight of church
tradition to that of Scriptural authority for continuing the historic
episcopate.[9]
Finally, the Collects of Ordination
speak of God’s own appointment of these “Orders of Ministers.” For example, here is the Collect for the
ordination of a deacon:
Almighty God, who by thy divine providence hast
appointed divers Orders of Ministers in thy Church, and didst inspire thine
Apostles to choose into the Order of Deacons the first Martyr Saint Stephen,
with others; Mercifully behold these thy servants now called to the like Office
and Administration…[10]
It is also important to recognize that
“The episcopate continued to be regarded, as it had generally been in the
Middle Ages, as the perfecting and highest fulfillment of a priesthood
which…remained in essence a deputed office under that of bishop.”[11]
Why are Anglicans so committed to the
historic episcopate? It would have
seemed an odd question to most of Reformation England. The opposite question would have seemed more
cogent: Why are Lutherans so committed
to an ordering of ministry which defies what is “evident unto all men,
diligently reading Holy Scripture and ancient Authors” and undoes what “for a
thousand five hundred years and upward…[has] continued under the sacred
regiment of bishops”?
Now we turn to another time when the
question “Why are Anglicans so committed to the historic episcopate?” would not have seemed to odd.
On October 20, 1765, an American,
Charles Martyn, wrote the Bishop of London that “It would be as unsafe for an
American Bishop (if such should be appointed) to come hither, as it is at
present for a distributor of Stamps.”[12]
As Frederick Mills, Sr. has written in
his book Bishops by Ballot (on which I am relying in what follows as
Crammer relied on Holy Scripture for this Book of Common Prayer):
A careful examination of the American Anglican
communion in the 1760s and 1780s reveals an extensive, and in places intensive,
internal controversy over episcopacy.
Some Anglicans saw the prewar proposal for a bishop as possible
“ecclesiastical Stamp Act,” and others were curious about who would select
candidates and how bishops would be supported financially. All were concerned about what powers a
resident bishop might or might not possess…Also, the hierarchical character of
the episcopal office was a major objection in both the prewar and postwar
decades among Anglicans as well as Dissenters.[13]
What I found most interesting about
this debate over episcopacy among eighteenth century American Anglicans
is how curiously it sounds like today’s debate over episcopacy among twentieth
century American Lutherans.
Because the British government and the
Church of England considered the thirteen colonies to be within the diocese of
the Bishop of London, no bishop had ever set foot on American soil. Eighteenth century American Anglicans who
wanted a resident American bishop had to contend with two formidable obstacles.
First,
…the 169-year existence of the church in the
relative freedom and isolation of America encouraged deviations from
traditional English ecclesiastical polity…Anglican clergy, especially in New
England and the middle colonies, adopted the use of conventions in the absence
of a bishop, much in the way that Congregationalists and Presbyterians used
associations and presbyteries…to discuss church policy…In these conventions the
clergy elected a president and decided issued by majority vote.[14]
Second,
the shift to an imperial policy on the part of the
British government following the French and Indian War, and the parliamentary
legislation designed to implement the policy in the colonies, not only
heightened tensions between the colonies and the home government, but also
increased suspicion toward all institutions in America, including the Church of
England, which symbolized British authority.[15]
At the very time that the Stamp Act and Townsend Acts stirred up protests against the colonies,
…a voluntary convention of Anglican clergy [met] in
Elizabeth Town [New Jersey] in October 1766…Their essentially High Church
position was that the episcopacy was essential to the church and there was no
substitute or excuse for the Anglican churches not completing their historic
and apostolic system of church government…The sole purpose of the 1766
convention was forcefully stated “to use their joint influence and endeavors to
obtain the happiness of bishops.”[16]
Most interestingly, one of the leaders
of that convention, Dr. Samuel Johnson, the past president of King’s College,
and now a resident of Stratford, Connecticut, was so committed to securing an
American bishop, and so doubtful that the British government would reverse its
policy, that he had earlier in the year, on February 2, 1766, written his
successor at King’s College, Myles Cooper:
“I have sometimes thought that when we have tried all reasonable
measures to obtain Bp’s from England & are denied, we ought to get a Bp
where we can from Denmark, Sweden, or even Russia & to form an American
Chh.”[17]
In 1767, another of the leaders,
Thomas B. Chandler, the rector of St. Johns’, Elizabeth Town, published An
Appeal to the Public in behalf of the Church of England to argue for an
American episcopate. It included these
proposals:
That the bishops to be sent to America, shall have
no Authority, but purely of a Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Nature, such as is
derived altogether from the Church and not from the State—That this Authority shall
operate only upon the clergy of the Church, and not upon the Laiety nor
Dissenters of any Denomination—That the Bishops shall not interfere with the
Property or Privileges, whether civil or religious, of Churchmen or
Dissenters—That, in particular, they shall have no Concern with the Probate of
Wills, Letters of Guardianship and Administration, or Marriage-Licenses, not be
Judges of any Cases relating thereto—But, that they shall exercise the original
Powers of their Office as before stated, i.e. ordain and govern the Clergy, and
administer Confirmation to those who shall desire it.[18]
A controversy exploded with a series of articles…in [the] New York Gazette in March…1768 and ran for fifty-seven issues. The men behind the series were…all Presbyterian laymen…dedicated to religious freedom [who] charged that the espiscopal plan was really an attempt to secure a benign episcopate and later endow it with full prelatical powers. The claim that an American Anglican bishop would be a ‘primitive or purely spiritual’ bishop was too fantastic for most people to believe.[19]
Years later, John Adams
described the reaction to the plan this way:
it…
spread an universal alarm against the authority of Parliament. It excited a general and just apprehension that bishops and dioceses and churches and priests and tithes were to be imposed on us by Parliament. It was known that neither King nor ministry not archbishops could appoint bishops in America without an act of Parliament; and if Parliament could tax us, they could establish the Church of England with all its creeds, articles, tests, ceremonies, and tithes, and prohibit all other churches as conventicles and schism shops.[20]
In spite of these deep
objections to episcopacy, many held more temperate and reflective views. This anonymous letter appeared in the Virginia
Gazette in 1778:
Circumstances unavoidable must soon leave us without proper or desirable persons for the performance of the duties of the clergyman…Perhaps we shall be able to prove that episcopacy, as established in England at present, is one of the many encroachments of this power upon the just rights of the people, [but] that a free election to that office was not only the most ancient usage of that country but also the true apostolic mode…The learned Blackstone, in his commentaries, book I, chapter ii, inform us ‘that election was, in very early times, the usual mode of elevation to the episcopal chair throughout all Christendom, and that (says he) was promiscuously performed by the laity, as well as the clergy.[21]
In the summer of 1782, William White, the rector of Christ and St. Peter’s churches, Philadelphia, prepared a pamphlet entitled The case of the Protestant Episcopal Churches in the United States Considered…White contended that the former ties binding the churches in America together were broken, and “their future continuance can be provided for only by voluntary associations for union and good government.”[22]
White argued that the
“power of electing a superior order of ministers ought to be in the clergy and
laity together, they being interested in the choice. In England, the bishops are appointed by the civil authority;
which was an usurpation of the Crown at the Norman conquest. The primitive churches were generally
supplied by popular elections; even in the City of Rome, the privilege of
electing a bishop continued with the people to the tenth or eleventh century.”[23]
Even this moderate gesture in the direction of bishops White counterbalanced with the assertion ‘that a temporary departure from episcopacy would be warranted’ under the conditions that existed in America in 1782. A Presbyterian type of ordination in which three or more ministers ordained another by the laying on of hands was considered acceptable. This alternative method of ordination was presented because it was believed it would be impossible to obtain ordinations in England for an indefinite period.[24]
This proposal brought an
immediate rejoinder by the Connecticut clergy, many of whom had supported the
Stamp Act era efforts to secure an American episcopate. They wrote to White on March 25, 1783:
We think nothing can be more clear than that our Church has ever believed bishops to have the sole right of ordination and government, and that this regimen was appointed by Christ himself, and is now, to use your own words, humbly submitted to consideration, whether such Episcopalians as consent even to a temporary departure and set aside this ordinance of Christ for conveniency, can scarcely deserve the name of Christians.[25]
White also received
private letters. Abraham Jarvis was
deeply offended:
Really, Sir, we think an Episcopal Church without Episcopacy, if it be not a contradiction in terms, would however, be a new thing under the sun…We know it is totally abhorrent from the principles of the church in the northern states, and are fully convinced they will never submit to it.[26]
Moreover, he asserted,
“episcopal superiority is an ordinance of Christ.”[27]
Charles Inglis also
admonished him: “In short my good
brother, you proposed not what you
thought absolutely best and most eligible, but what the supposed necessity of
the times compelled you to adopt.”[28]
Notwithstanding these
objections, “White’s plan...was in full agreement with the revolutionary idea
that in a free government the people’s interest and good government are
identical, and the best way to ensure this is to allow the people a maximum
voice in the formation and operation of government.”[29] His case was so well-received that several
state conventions of clergy and laity met and drew up plans for reorganizing
their churches.
In Annapolis, in August
1783, A Declaration of Certain Fundamental Rights affirmed “the three orders of ministers—deacon, priest, and bishop”
and required Episcopal ordination for ministerial orders.[30]
In Philadelphia, on May
24, 1784, at “the first duly authorized ecclesiastical assembly of
Episcopalians in America at which laymen were officially a part” the three
traditional orders of the clergy were reaffirmed in the convention’s Fundamental
Principles.[31]
Later that year, in
Boston, the Massachusetts and Rhode Island clergy adopted the Fundamental
Principles but added this plea: “It is out unanimous opinion that it is
beginning at the wrong end to attempt to organize our church before we have
obtained a head.”[32]
Similar results followed
in Virginia, New York, and New Jersey in 1785.
Only South Carolina was so hostile to the episcopacy that it voted
against any bishop in its state![33]
But meanwhile, the
Connecticut clergy acted secretly to secure a bishop. “In their view, the Episcopal churches could not organize
properly until first they had a bishop, because it was his prerogative to guide
the churches. To procure a bishop after
the churches were organized would minimize his importance and possibly limit
his powers.”[34] They elected Samuel Seabury and dispatched
him to England to receive episcopal ordination. After a year of failed negotiations, Seabury traveled to
Scotland, where he was consecrated Bishop in Aberdeen on November 14, 1784.
Bishop Samuel Seabury
landed at Newport, Rhode Island on June 20, 1785, and on September 27th of
that year the first General Convention of Episcopalians convened in
Philadelphia.
At first there was great
friction between Seabury and the General Convention, chaired by William
White. On August 15, 1785, Seabury
wrote to White about one of the articles the General Convention had adopted:
I cannot conceive that the laity can with any propriety be admitted to sit in judgment on bishops and presbyters…In short, the rights of the Christian Church arise not from nature or compact, but from the institution of Christ…[35]
But the General
Convention did adopt a plan for securing bishops in the English line, and on
February 4, 1787, White of Pennsylvania and Samuel Provoost of New York were
consecrated as Bishops in Lambeth Chapel.
In 1789 Bishop White
presided over the General Convention.
At the same time that another convention was drawing up the Constitution
of the United States, this General Convention adopted its own Constitution and
the first American Book of
Common Prayer.
The Preface to that
first Book of Common Prayer indicates the reasons that, in the end, American
Episcopalians recommitted themselves to the historic episcopate:
It is a most
invaluable part of that blessed ‘liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free,’
that in his worship different forms and usages may without offence be allowed,
provided the substance of the Faith be kept entire; and that, in every Church,
what cannot be clearly determined to belong to Doctrine must be referred to
Discipline; and therefore, by common consent and authority, may be
altered, abridged, enlarged, amended, or otherwise disposed of, as may seem
most convenient for the edification of the people,’ according to the
various exigency of times and occasions.
The Church
of England to which the Protestant Episcopal Church in these States is
indebted, under God, for her first foundation and a long continuance of nursing
care and protection, hath, in Preface of her Book of Common Prayer, laid it
down as a rule, that “The Particular Forms of Divine Worship, and the Rites and
Ceremonies appointed to be used therein, being things in their own nature
indifferent, and alterable…it is but reasonable that…such changes and
alterations should be made…as…those…in…Authority should…seem either necessary
or expedient.
It seems
unnecessary to enumerate all the different alterations and amendments. They will appear, and it is to be hoped, the
reasons of them also, upon a comparison of this with the Book of Common Prayer
of the Church of England. In which
it will also appear that this Church is far from intending to depart from the
Church of England in any essential point of doctrine, discipline, or worship;
or further than local circumstances require. [emphases added]
Shorn of its royal
prerogatives, authorized by the common consent of laity and clergy, American
Episcopalians freely embraced the historic episcopate.
For them, and for
Episcopalians today, bishops are the uniquely sacramental sign both of our
continuity with the Scriptures, theology, and practice of the ancient church,
and as the successors to the apostles, of their apostolic mission and ministry
in our own day, under, and for the sake of, the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
Thank you.
William D. Roberts
Rector, St. Gregory’s, Deerfield
Ecumenical Officer for the
Episcopal Diocese of Chicago
ENDNOTES
[1] On the Unity of the Catholic Church, cited in Lesser Feasts and Fasts, the Rite Brain, © 1998 The Church Pension Fund
[2] Letter Ixvi, 8, cited in Episcopal Ministry, the Report of the Archbishops’ Group on The Episcopate 1990, Church House Publishing [UK], 1990, ^ 63
[3] James Thayer
Addison. The Episcopal Church in the United States 1789-1932.
Archon Books, 1969, p. 6.
[4] titled Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (ca. 1593)
[5] cited in Education for Ministry, Year Three, © 1988, 1991, University of the South, p. 412.
[6] cited in Episcopal Ministry, op. cit., ^ 173
[7] De ordine et ministerio sacerdotum et episcoporum, cited by George H. Tavard, A Review of Anglican Orders: The Problem and the Solution, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, MN, 1990, p. 20.
[8] from “The Form and Manner of Making, Ordaining, and Consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons…” (from the Ordinal of 1662) in The Book of Common Prayer (1928), p. 529.
[9] other “ancient Authors” would include Ignatius of Antioch (ca. 30-107): Magnesians 7, Philadelphians 4, Smyrnaeans viii 1-2: Where the bishop is present there let the congregation gather, just as where Jesus Christ is, there is the catholic Church.” Trallians, iii; and Irenaeus (ca 130-200) who describes how the Apostles commissioned Linus, and how Clement of Rome received the “episcopate” from him; “He had seen the Apostles and associated with them, and still had their preaching ringing in his ears…in the same order and succession the apostolic tradition of the Church and the preaching of the truth has come down in our time.” Adversus Haereses 3.3.3.
[10] ibid., p. 531. This Collect was used from 1550 onward, even in American Books of Common Prayer until 1979.
[11] Episcopal Ministry, op. cit., ^ 173
[12] Frederick V. Mills, Sr., Bishops by Ballot: An Eighteenth Century Ecclesiastical Revolution, New York, 1978, p. 110
[13] ibid., p. x.
[14] ibid., p. xi
[15] ibid., pp. 35-36
[16] ibid., p. 43, cited “The Seabury Minutes.”
[17] ibid., p. 139
[18] ibid., p. 1
[19] ibid., p. 51
[20] letter to H. Niles, February 13, 1818; cited in James Thayer Addison, The Episcopal Church in the United States 1789-1931, Archon, 1969, p. 56.
[21] ibid., p. 299.
[22] bid.,
183-184
[23] ibid., p. 185
[24] ibid., pp. 186-187.
[25] ibid., p. 155.
[26] ibid., p. 188. Letter dated March 25, 1783
[27] ibid.,
p. 212
[28] ibid., p. 188. Letter dated June 9, 1783.
[29] ibid., p. 184-185
[30] ibid., p. 191.
[31] ibid.,
p. 197.
[32] ibid.,
p. 200. They met on September 8, 1784.
[33] ibid., pp. 201-205 passim.
[34] ibid., p. 210
[35] ibid., p. 235.